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文獻速遞（2025年1-6月）
Literature Highlights (January to June 2025)
更新和匯總近期出版的平等權領域學術研究和實務報告
Update and compilation of recent academic research and reports in the area of equality rights
Women’s Rights 婦女權利 l Disability Rights 身心障礙權利 l LGBTQ+ Rights 性小眾權利 l Children’s Rights 兒童權利 l Reports 研究報告
Women’s Rights 婦女權利
Jiang, Xinhui, and Yunyun Zhou
Journal of Contemporary China, 2025, 34 (151): 161–80
Abstract
Gender quotas have a long history in China, with the earliest gender quota introduced in 1933 in the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) border regions. Yet, research on China’s gender quotas has been scarce. This study addresses the gap by examining the process of gender quota adoption in China’s subnational Party-States and the People’s Congresses. Using an institutional approach, we argue that quota adoption in China was a process of ‘institutional layering’ that lasted from the late 1980s to the 2010s. During this process, domestic actors contested the CCP’s existing personnel rules and strategically exploited the CCP’s ideological commitment to gender equity and its need for an improved international image during the second wave of global gender quota adoption. Two changes have happened during the ‘layering’ process: the slow diversification of domestic actors, including both state and non-state ones, and the shifting of the actors’ working strategy from an informal and network-based approach to an institutionalized one that operated through formal channels. In so doing, this article expands the comparative literature on gender quotas, which has been preoccupied with quotas in elected parliaments, and enriches our understanding of Chinese politics.
性別配額在中國歷史悠久，最早於1933年在中國共產黨的邊疆地區引入。然而，關於中國性別配額的研究卻寥寥無幾。本研究通過考察中國地方黨政機構和人民代表大會實施性別配額的過程來填補這一空白。我們運用制度視角，認為中國的配額實施是一個「制度分層」的過程，從20世紀80年代末持續到2010年代。在此過程中，國內行為體對中共現有的人事規則提出質疑，並策略性地利用了中共在第二波全球性別配額實施浪潮中對性別平等的意識形態承諾及其提升國際形象的需求。「制度分層」過程中發生了兩個變化：國內行為體緩慢多元化，包括國家和非國家行為體；以及行為體的工作策略從非正式和基於網絡的方式轉變為通過正式渠道運作的制度化方式。通過這樣做，本文擴展了關於性別配額的比較文獻（該文獻一直專注於民選議會中的配額），並豐富了我們對中國政治的理解。
Beyond Cultural Interpretivism: Analysis of Married Out Women Issue in Rural China
Junshu, and Xinrui Li
Asian Journal of Law and Society, 2025, 12 (1): 59–75
Abstract
The dispute of married out women has become an important modernisation problem since the 1990s as the result of urbanisation and industrialisation. It concerns social stability at grassroots that may affect the ruling base. While the Chinese government is constantly striving to solve it, it also shows how deficient the protection of women’s property rights is that it causes so many controversies. Currently, the cultural explanation that simply attributes the phenomenon to traditional patriarchal culture is popular among scholars and widely accepted, which is, however, proved to be misleading. This article attempts to break this stereotype and points out that this trouble is not directly related to Chinese traditional culture. Rather, it is caused by the majority’s tyranny under the current villager self-government and collective property rights. This article also attempts to find possible solutions, requiring improving the rural self-government system and clearly defining the boundaries of collective property rights by law.
20世紀90年代以來，隨著城鎮化和工業化進程的推進，外嫁女糾紛已成為中國現代化進程中一個重要的問題，事關基層社會穩定，可能影響到治理基礎。中國政府在不斷努力解決這一問題的同時，也暴露出女性財產權保障的缺失，並由此引發了諸多爭議。目前，將這一現象簡單歸咎於傳統父權文化的文化解釋在學者中盛行，並被廣泛接受，但這種解釋已被證明具有誤導性。本文試圖打破這種刻板印象，指出這一問題並非直接源於中國傳統文化，而是源於現行村民自治和集體財產制度下多數人的暴政。本文也試圖探討可能的解決途徑，包括完善農村自治制度，並通過法律明確集體財產權的邊界。
Breaking the Silence: Ending the Stigma Around Gender-Based Violence
Sexuality, Gender & Policy, 2025, 8 (1)
Abstract
Gender-based violence (GBV) remains a global epidemic, profoundly affecting the physical, psychological, and socio-economic well-being of survivors while perpetuating gender inequalities. Despite progress in addressing GBV, stigma continues to hinder effective prevention, response, and survivor support. Stigma, rooted in harmful cultural norms, victim-blaming attitudes, and systemic gender biases, isolates survivors, discourages reporting, and perpetuates impunity for perpetrators. This article explores the multifaceted role of stigma in exacerbating GBV, its devastating consequences on individuals and communities, and the urgent need to dismantle it. Key strategies for ending stigma include challenging cultural norms through community engagement and storytelling, empowering survivors with safe spaces and leadership opportunities, educating communities to dispel myths and promote gender equality, and strengthening policies to ensure justice and comprehensive support. The article highlights the importance of collaboration among governments, NGOs, healthcare systems, media, and male allies in creating a stigma-free environment. By fostering inclusive dialogue and sustained collective action, we can break the silence around GBV, empower survivors, and build a more equitable and violence-free society.
性別暴力(GBV)依然在全球蔓延,它深刻影響著幸存者的身心福祉和社會經濟福祉,同時讓性別不平等持續下去。盡管性別暴力問題的解決取得了進展,但污名化仍然對有效的預防、應對和幸存者支持造成阻礙。污名化根植於有害的文化規範、指責受害者的態度、以及系統性的性別偏見中,它孤立了幸存者,阻礙了舉報,並使肇事者逍遙法外。本文探究了污名化在加劇性別暴力方面的多方面作用、它對個人和社區的毀滅性後果、以及消除污名化這一迫切需要。消除污名化的關鍵策略包括:通過社區參與和講故事來挑戰文化規範、為幸存者提供安全空間和領導機會、教育社區消除誤解並促進性別平等,以及加強政策以確保正義和全面支持。本文強調了政府、非政府組織、醫療保健系統、媒體和男性盟友之間的合作對於創造一個無污名化環境的重要性。通過促進包容性對話和持續的集體行動,我們能打破圍繞性別暴力的沈默, 對幸存者賦權, 並建立一個更加公平和無暴力的社會。
Xiaoying, Dong
LGBTQ+ Family: An Interdisciplinary Journal, May, 2025
Abstract
For 35 years, China enforced a “One‑Child Policy” before introducing a “Two‑Child Policy” in 2016 to address aging populations and declining birth rates, followed by a “Three‑Child Policy” in May 2021. Against this backdrop of demographic policy shifts, the reproductive rights of single women have transitioned from complete societal neglect to becoming a prominent public issue. As both a lawyer and advocate who has been working on and witnessing this progression firsthand, this article synthesizes the evolving status of single women’s reproductive rights in China while exploring future directions—with the aim of stimulating broader dialogue.
中國實行了35年的「獨生子女政策」，隨後於2016年推出「二孩政策」，以應對人口老齡化和出生率下降的問題，並於2021年5月推出「三孩政策」。在人口政策轉變的背景下，單身女性的生育權利已從被社會完全忽視的狀態轉變為一個突出的公共議題。作為一名律師和倡導者，我一直致力於並親身見證這一進程，本文將總結中國單身女性生育權利的演變現狀，並探索未來的發展方向，旨在激發更廣泛的對話。
Gender, Sexism, and Police Attitudes Toward Policing Intimate Partner Violence in China
Yao Yu, Chun Xia, Zhiling Zhu
Violence Against Women, 31(8), 1771-1792
Abstract
This study examines the impact of gender and sexism on police officers’ attitudes toward policing intimate partner violence (IPV). Data were collected from 826 Chinese police officers through online questionnaires. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis found that male police officers and those with sexist attitudes believe that handling IPV cases is illegitimate; they tend to perceive that the police are not morally bound to regulate such cases. Meanwhile, policewomen are less likely to consider that IPV interventions are difficult and resource-intensive. Findings indicate the need to amend policies and practices concerning gender and sexism among police officers to control IPV.
本研究考察了性別和性別歧視對警察處理親密伴侶暴力（IPV）態度的影響。數據通過在線問卷調查收集了826名中國警察的調查數據。分層多元回歸分析發現，男性警察和持有性別歧視態度的警察認為處理IPV案件不合法；他們傾向於認為警方在道德上沒有義務監管此類案件。與此同時，女性警察較少認為IPV干預措施難度大且耗費資源。研究結果表明，有必要修改警察中與性別和性別歧視相關的政策和實踐，以控制IPV。
Disability Rights 身心障礙權利
Employment Officers’ Perceptions of Job Prospects for Physically Impaired People in China and Sweden
Yang, Yan, Munir Dag, and Christian Kullberg
Disability & Society, 2025, 40 (1): 70–89
Abstract
In this study, Chinese and Swedish employment officers’ assessments of physically impaired people and their ability to find jobs are compared. The study is qualitative, and data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The respondents were ten employment officers working full time. The results show that several employment officers in both contexts are skeptical that disabled people will be able to find work, and highlight similar obstacles to entering the labor market related to individual and societal conditions. The results show that, unlike Swedish employment officers, who highlight both types of obstacles, Chinese employment officers consider barriers related to the individual to be most important. The results also show that, compared to their Swedish colleagues, Chinese employment officers view gender and sex as more critical obstacles. The article argues that the results reveal different conceptions of disability and gender or sex that can be linked to the two contexts’ welfare models.
本研究比較了中國和瑞典就業官員對肢體殘疾人士及其就業能力的評估。本研究為定性研究，數據通過半結構化訪談收集。受訪者為十名全職工作的就業官員。研究結果表明，兩國都有一些就業官員對殘疾人士能否找到工作持懷疑態度，並強調了他們在進入勞動力市場時面臨的與個人和社會條件相關的類似障礙。研究結果表明，與強調兩種障礙的瑞典就業官員不同，中國就業官員認為與個人相關的障礙最為重要。研究結果還表明，與瑞典同事相比，中國就業官員認為性別和生理性別是更為關鍵的障礙。本文認為，研究結果揭示了人們對殘疾和性別的不同看法，而這些看法與兩國的福利模式有關。
Esther Murphy, Orla Shiels, Sara Fiori, Darren McCausland, Helena Bergström, Raphael Koster, Hanna Noorlandt, Ida Korfage, Eva Flygare Wallén
British Journal of Learning Disabilities, 2025, 53 (1)
Abstract
Background: Developments in digital technologies have transformed how people interact with the world, offering employment, education, communication, health benefits and entertainment. Research has shown that not everyone can easily access digital content, particularly people with intellectual disabilities. Despite internet access being recognised as a human right in the United Nations' Conventions on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, this group faces significant disadvantages.
Methods: A thematic analysis of quantitative and qualitative findings was conducted with data from focus groups and interviews with 200+ participants across Ireland, Sweden, France, and the Netherlands on how people with intellectual disabilities are using technology at this time and access facilitators and barriers.
Findings: The pandemic exacerbated the digital divide between people with intellectual disabilities and their neurotypical peers, impacting physical and mental well-being. Growing demand for accessible digital skills training underscores the need to bridge this gap.
Conclusion: Addressing these digital access disparities is crucial to ensure that individuals with intellectual disabilities can enjoy the benefits of the digital age and maintain their well-being. By identifying priority topics in our interview data, researchers also pinpointed critical accessibility barriers and facilitators to support codesigning activities for future digital skills education content within the Digi-ID project.
背景：數字技術的發展改變了人們與世界互動的方式，提供了就業、教育、通訊、醫療福利和娛樂。研究表明，並非所有人都能輕松獲取數字內容，尤其是智力障礙人士。盡管訪問互聯網已被聯合國《殘疾人權利公約》確認為一項人權，但這一群體仍面臨著巨大的劣勢。
方法：我們利用焦點小組的數據以及對愛爾蘭、瑞典、法國和荷蘭的200多名參與者的訪談，對定量和定性研究結果進行了主題分析，以了解智力障礙人士目前如何使用技術以及獲取技術的促進因素和障礙。
發現：疫情加劇了智力障礙人士與其他人之間的數字鴻溝，影響了他們的身心健康。對無障礙數字技能培訓的需求日益增長，凸顯了彌合這一差距的必要。
結論：解決這些訪問方面的差距對於確保智力障礙人士能夠享受數字時代的好處並保持身心健康至關重要。通過識別訪談數據中的優先主題，研究人員還明確了關鍵的無障礙障礙和促進因素，以支持 Digi-ID 項目未來數字技能教育內容的協同設計活動。
Liu, Xiangdong, Zehua Feng, Meinan Zeng, and Zhengzong Huang
Disability & Society, 2025, 40 (7): 2037–2042
Abstract
Since the implementation of China’s Mental Health Law, there has been a notable increase in involuntary hospitalisation cases involving individuals with mental health conditions across many provinces, leading to significant social controversy. Moreover, in the process of involuntary hospitalisation litigation, patients with mental health conditions have experienced difficulty initiating legal proceedings, presenting their cases effectively, and prevailing in court, to name a few of the many challenges they face. These obstacles, by impeding them in safeguarding their lawful rights and interests against this legal measure, substantially restrict their personal freedom. To establish a more accessible judicial relief mechanism, a number of steps need to be taken: enhancing the relevant provisions governing the acceptance of involuntary hospitalisation cases, ensuring a balanced distribution of the burden of proof between both parties, and strengthening judicial scrutiny of the legality of involuntary hospitalisation.
自中國的《精神衞生法》實施以來，各省市涉及精神疾病患者的非自願住院案件顯著增加，引發了社會廣泛爭議。此外，在非自願住院訴訟中，精神疾病患者面臨著諸多挑戰，包括難以主動提起訴訟、難以有效陳述案件、難以勝訴等。這些障礙阻礙了他們維護自身合法權益，嚴重限制了他們的人身自由。為建立更加便捷的司法救濟機制，需要完善非自願住院案件受理的相關規定，均衡雙方當事人的舉證責任，加強對非自願住院合法性的司法審查。
Meanings of Independence and Assistance: Textual Analysis of Personal Assistance in South Korea
Oh, Junghun
Disability & Society, 2025, 40 (5): 1285–1304
Abstract
Both Article 19 of the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and the growth of the Independent Living Movement (ILM) have contributed to the introduction of the concept of personal assistance in East Asian countries. However, policymakers in East Asian countries need to translate personal assistance into their languages and sociocultural contexts. With the assumption that the language and terminology used in policy contain social interpretations and cultural understandings of policymakers, this article examines how personal assistance has been translated into Korean legal and administrative texts. Results show that the current Korean personal assistance services have a narrow understanding of independence and assistance while implicitly assuming family intervention. Moreover, assistance has been interpreted as an act of caregiving, which can impair the quality of the services. This article concludes with the importance of qualitative textual analysis of personal assistance services with consideration of sociocultural specificity.
聯合國《殘疾人權利公約》第19條和獨立生活運動（ILM）的興起都促使個人助理的概念被引入東亞國家。然而，東亞國家的政策制定者需要將個人助理轉化為本國語言和社會文化背景。本文假設政策中使用的語言和術語包含政策制定者的社會解讀和文化理解，並探討個人助理是如何轉化為韓國法律和行政文本的。研究結果表明，目前韓國的個人助理服務對獨立和協助的理解較為狹隘，同時隱性地假設家庭干預。此外，協助被解讀為一種照護行為，這可能會損害服務質量。本文最後指出，對個人助理服務進行定性文本分析並考慮社會文化特異性非常重要。
LGBTQ+ Rights 性小眾權利
Transgender Rights in India's Legal System: A Critical Analysis
Mohmad Maqbool Waggy & Danish Bashir
Sexuality Research and Social Policy, 2025, 22, 101–107
Abstract
Introduction: India’s transgender community has endured a distressing reality, battling violence and neglect enforced by discriminatory laws. While strides have been made in safeguarding their rights, significant challenges persist. This study delves into the somber realm of suffering and discrimination that this minority faces, while also evaluating India’s legislative framework to gauge the extent of decriminalization for transgender individuals.
Results: India’s transgender rights legal framework differs significantly from global practices. The Supreme Court, in the NALSA v. Union of India case, referred to international human rights treaties such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). However, India’s legal framework lacks the emotional depth expressed in the NALSA judgment. Alignment with global standards is necessary for India’s transgender rights legislation.
Conclusions: India’s transgender community has endured violence and marginalization due to oppressive laws, but recent progress has been made with the Transgender Persons (Protection and Rights) Act 2019. However, this legislation raises more questions than answers, appearing more like a mere checkbox exercise rather than an effective solution for the community’s pressing needs.
介紹：印度的跨性別群體經歷了令人痛心的現實，他們不得不與歧視性法律所施加的暴力和忽視作斗爭。盡管權利維護上取得了進展，但挑戰依然嚴峻。本研究深入探討了這一少數群體所面臨的苦難和歧視，同時評估了印度的立法框架，以衡量跨性別者合法化的程度。
結果：印度的跨性別權利法律框架與全球實踐存在顯著差異。在NALSA訴印度聯邦案中，最高法院援引了《世界人權宣言》和《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》等國際人權條約。然而，印度的法律框架缺乏NALSA判決中所體現的情感深度，有必要與全球標准接軌。
結論：印度的跨性別群體因壓迫性法律而遭受暴力和邊緣化，但最近隨著《2019 年跨性別者（保護和權利）法案》的出台，取得了一些進展。然而，這項立法引發的問題多於答案，看起來更像是一種簡單的勾選練習，而不是解決該群體迫切需求的有效解決方案。
Discourses in Disjointed Streams: Dissecting SOGIE Equality Bill's Legislative Stalemate
Sexuality, Gender & Policy, 2025, 8(1)
Abstract
The Philippine SOGIE Equality Bill is the longest-running series of Senate and House proposals filed in the Philippines. Despite academic efforts to analyze its intricacies, little is known about the discursive dimension of its agenda-setting and the mechanisms behind its persistent deadlock, which exemplifies the phenomenon of policy stagnation. Through critical discourse analysis (CDA) and textual analysis, this study examines the statements of the legislative opposition. In doing so, it reifies Winkel–Leipold's approach to agenda-setting, which reconceptualizes Kingdon's streams as discursive patterns. The study argues that the stalemate of the Bill is due to the disjunction in the political, policy, and problem streams that take reference from an entrenched socio-culturally Abrahamic-oriented landscape of the country, which actively shapes legislative outcomes of unconventional and progressive policies. Proponents may initially try to minimize potential conflicts by utilizing the normative power of such hegemonizing discourse to attain desired policy outcomes amidst existing discourse conditions. Analyzing the Bill's underlying discourses suggests that legal and socio-cultural transformative change requires addressing overt and covert resistance in policy debates.
菲律賓性取向、性別認同和性別表達(SOGIE)平等法案是菲律賓參議院和眾議院提交的持續時間最長的一系列提案。盡管學術界努力分析其復雜性,但鮮有研究聚焦於其議程設置的話語維度以及其持續僵局背後的機制,這體現了政策停滯的現象。通過批判性話語分析和文本分析,本研究分析了立法反對派的聲明。為此,本研究對Winkel-Leipold提出的議程設置方法進行具體化,該方法將Kingdon的源流方法重新概念化為話語模式。本研究認為,該法案的僵局是由於政治流、政策流和問題流的脫節,這些源流參考了該國根深蒂固的社會文化亞伯拉罕導向格局,後者積極影響了非常規政策和進步政策的立法結果。支持者最初可能會試圖利用這種霸權話語的規范力量,在現有話語條件下實現預期的政策結果,從而盡量減少潛在沖突。該法案的潛在話語分析表明, 法律和社會文化變革需要應對政策辯論中的公開阻力和隱蔽阻力。
Making Gender Crises: State Newspapers and the Regulation of Gender Nonconformity in China
Xiaogao Zhou, Songyin Liu
Social Problems, 2025, 72 (2): 611–626
Abstract
Media coverage about transgender and gender nonconforming people both maintains and influences normative ideas about sex, gender, and sexuality. However, how state propaganda apparatus reifies these ideas through media and contributes to gender regulations remains underexplored, especially for state-dominated media systems. To bridge this gap, this article examines the media framing of gender nonconformity in China through a content analysis of 154 state-run newspaper articles from 1980 to 2021. Our analysis reveals that state newspapers introduce gender nonconformity into the purview of governance through two processes: 1) By pushing medicalized and socialization explanations for gender nonconformity, state newspapers consolidated two categories of gender nonconformity—intersex/transgender people and gender nonconforming youth. 2) State newspapers have developed two “gender crisis” frames that positioned the management of gender nonconformity at the heart of state governance and national development. Through this, gender nonconformity becomes legible for state institutions in criminal justice, medicine, marriage, education, and media. The findings contribute to the literature on media maintenance of the sex/gender/sexuality system by demonstrating the productive power of state-run media in shaping knowledge, discourse, and the regulation of gender nonconformity.
媒體對跨性別者和非常規性別者的報道既維護又影響著關於性、性別和性取向的規范觀念。然而，國家宣傳機構如何通過媒體具象化這些觀念並推動性別規範的形成，這一問題尚未得到充分探討，尤其是在國家主導的媒體體系中。為填補這一空白，本文通過對1980年至2021年154篇官媒報紙文章進行內容分析，考察了中國媒體對非常規性別的框架構建。我們的分析表明，官媒通過兩個過程將非常規性別納入治理範疇：(1)通過推動對非常規性別的醫學化和社會化解釋，官媒鞏固了兩類非常規性別——間性/跨性別者和非常規性別青年。(2)官媒發展了兩種「性別危機」框架，將非常規性別的管理置於國家治理和國家發展的核心。由此，非常規性別現象得以被刑事司法、醫療、婚姻、教育和媒體等國家機構所理解。研究結果展現了國家媒體在塑造知識、話語和規范性別不規范現象方面的生產性力量。
Moving Apart, Coming Together: The Formation of an LGBTQ Movement Community in South Korea
Jeong, Seong-Jo, Heeyoung Lee, and Chan S. Suh
Journal of Homosexuality, 72 (7): 1375–1400
Abstract
This study examines the emergence and development of a social movement community among LGBTQ population. Drawing on the case of the LGBTQ movement in South Korea between 1993 and 2019 from a longitudinal perspective, we identify the relational dynamics of how different movement groups avoid internal frictions and successfully develop a movement community. Our findings suggest that, as a response to repeated repressive external events, LGBTQ groups have formed and maintained collaborative networks based on a common identity as “sexual minorities.” By examining the networks of movement coalitions, we also identify key movement groups that played a critical role in connecting other groups with disparate sexual and gender identities within the community. These bridging actors were either the pioneering gay and lesbian groups that have collaborated since the 1990s or the new groups founded around inclusive collective identities such as “sexual minorities” or “queers.” Implications for the studies on social movements and homosexuality are discussed.
本研究考察了LGBTQ群體中社會運動社群的興起和發展。以1993年至2019年韓國LGBTQ運動為例，從縱向視角，我們探尋了不同運動團體如何避免內部摩擦並成功發展運動社群的動態關系。研究結果表明，作為對反復出現的外部壓制事件的回應，LGBTQ群體基於「性少數群體」的共同身份建立並維持了合作網絡。通過考察運動聯盟網絡，我們還識別出在社群內其他具有不同性取向和性別認同的群體之間發揮關鍵作用的核心運動團體。這些發揮橋梁作用的參與者要麼是自20世紀90年代以來合作的先鋒同性戀團體，要麼是圍繞「性少數群體」或「酷兒」等包容性集體身份而成立的新團體。本研究還探討了這些研究對社會運動和同性戀研究的啟示。
Children’s Rights 兒童權利
The "Segregate-and-Suppress" Approach to Regulating Child Safety Online
Stanford Technology Law Review (forthcoming 2025), Santa Clara Univ. Legal Studies Research Paper No. 5208739
Abstract
In an effort to protect children online, regulators around the country and the world are enacting laws that compel Internet publishers to age-authenticate every reader (minors and adults alike) and then require publishers to restrict minors’ access to online content or resources. This Article calls these “segregate-and-suppress” laws. Legally mandating differential treatment between minors and adults superficially sounds like common sense, but implementing this principle online leads to surprising and counterproductive outcomes. Requiring readers to authenticate their age exposes minors (and adults) to significant privacy and security risks; and it dramatically reshapes the Internet’s functioning to the detriment of almost everyone. Further, due to the inherent tradeoffs caused by segregate-and-suppress laws, the laws inevitably harm some minors. In other words, segregate-and-suppress laws seek to protect minors online by harming minors online. To avoid this paradox, regulators should deprioritize segregate-and-suppress laws and, instead, develop a wider and more thoughtful toolkit of online child safety measures.
為了保護兒童的網絡安全，美國乃至全球的監管機構正在頒布法律，強制要求互聯網出版商對每位讀者（包括未成年人和成年人）進行年齡認證，並限制未成年人訪問在線內容或資源。本文稱之為「隔離與壓制」法律。從法律上強制要求對未成年人和成年人進行區別對待，表面上聽起來像是常識，但在網上實施這一原則卻會導致意想不到的適得其反的結果。要求讀者認證年齡會使未成年人（和成年人）面臨嚴重的隱私和安全風險；並且會極大地重塑互聯網的運作，幾乎損害所有人的利益。此外，由於隔離與壓制法律本身的利弊權衡，這些法律不可避免地會損害一些未成年人的利益。換句話說，隔離與壓制法律試圖通過傷害未成年人來保護未成年人的網絡生活。為了避免這種矛盾，監管機構應該降低隔離和壓制法律的優先級，轉而制定更廣泛、更周到的在線兒童安全措施工具包。
Book: Critical Children’s Rights Studies A Research Companion
Edited By Valeria Llobet, Didier Reynaert, Afua Twum-Danso Imoh, Wouter Vandenhole
Routledge 2025
Description
The field of children’s rights studies is well established and largely dominated by a top-down approach that considers these rights as objective standards requiring implementation in practice or policy. This book argues for a critical perspective which views the area as contested terrain with conflicting normative foundations and traditions. The collection brings together established and rising scholars whose work has been central to not only challenging mainstream children’s rights discourses but also provides alternative pathways to conceptualizing children’s rights. It moves beyond critiques of these dominant discourses and sets out the emerging paradigm of Critical Children’s Rights Studies drawing on contexts in both the Global North and Global South. It proposes new pathways and subjects these to scrutiny, illuminating the importance of contextual situatedness and acknowledging the need to consider researchers’ own positionality when outlining their stance on children’s rights. Containing both empirical and theoretical scholarship, the book will be an essential resource for students, academics, researchers and policy-makers working in the multidisciplinary areas of childhood studies, children’s rights studies and international human rights.
兒童權利研究領域已然成熟，且主要由自上而下的方法主導，將這些權利視為需要在實踐或政策中落實的客觀標準。本書主張採取批判性視角，將該領域視為存在規範基礎和傳統衝突的爭議性領域。本書匯聚了資深學者與新興研究者，他們的研究不僅挑戰了主流兒童權利話語，還為兒童權利的理論構建提供了替代路徑。本書超越對主流話語的批判，基於全球北方與全球南方的實踐語境，闡述了批判性兒童權利研究的新興範式。它提出新的路徑並對其進行審視，強調語境嵌入性的重要性，並承認在闡述兒童權利立場時需考量研究者自身的位置性。該書兼具實證研究與理論探討，將成為從事兒童研究、兒童權利研究及國際人權領域跨學科工作的學生、學者、研究人員和政策制定者的必備參考資料。
Report 研究報告
Women’s rights in review 30 years after Beijing
UN Women 聯合國婦女署
Publication year: 2025
報告基於159個國家政府向聯合國秘書長提供的反饋信息，展示了必須承認的進展——自1995年以來，女童獲得了教育平等權利，孕產婦死亡率下降了三分之一。婦女在議會中的代表人數增加了一倍多，各國繼續廢除歧視性法律，1995年至2024年間，189個國家和地區進行了1531次法律改革。這表明，如果國家能充分維護婦女權利，家庭、社區和經濟就能蓬勃發展。然而，我們仍需作出很大的努力，才能實現性別平等並更接近《2030年可持續發展議程》的目標。因此，報告還介紹了新的「北京+30行動議程」。
北京為平
2025年3月3日
截至2025年2月28日，《中華人民共和國反家庭暴力法》（以下簡稱《反家暴法》）正式實施已有九年整。2017年3月1日以來，北京為平婦女權益機構持續發佈民間監測報告，以期勾畫我國反對家庭暴力的進展，瞭解存在的挑戰，提出對策建議，與社會各界共同促進婦女權益、家庭安全、社會和諧。此次九週年監測報告共2篇，分為概述篇和政策法規篇。